By Carlos Malamud*

Last week’s Summit of the Americas in Lima, Peru. / U.S. State Department / Public Domain
The Summit of the Americas in Lima last weekend has left its organizers and principal participants with a bittersweet feeling, leaning to the bitter. The absence of Donald Trump, Raúl Castro, and Nicolás Maduro reflects only the existing difficulties. The bigger problems relate to the impossibility of achieving general consensus about the big hemispheric issues, such as corruption or Venezuela, and – of even greater concern – the lack of clarity and substance of the Latin America policy of the United States.
- The Summits initially were linked to Washington’s efforts to create the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), but since that project’s failure they have represented the United States’ ongoing interest in Latin America and the Caribbean. That explains why, since the Summit process was created in 1994, no resident of the White House has missed a Summit – regardless of how complicated national and international situations have been. That was until Donald Trump gave priority to the conflict in Syria over his relationship with Latin American counterparts.
The disturbing thing is not just Trump’s conflict with Mexico, or his hostility toward Cuba and Venezuela. Neither is the deterioration of the image of the United States in Latin America since President Obama’s term ended. The fundamental problem is the lack of clear indications from the Trump Administration about its intentions and objectives in the region. This is the case even with the closest countries. For example, several South American countries’ exports to the United States could be affected by the trade war between Beijing and Washington. But no one has clear answers about the policies driving these events, and no one is taking steps to reduce the impact of them or of Washington’s lack of policy.
- Even though the official theme of the Summit was “Democratic Governance against Corruption,” it was impossible for the participants to go beyond good words and advance any global solutions. Without a doubt, this is good evidence of the weakness of regional integration. In their Final Declaration, the leaders were unable to include either a condemnation of Venezuela or a call to disregard its Presidential elections on May 20. Instead, what we got was a statement by the Grupo de Lima plus the United States expressing extreme concern for the situation in Venezuela. Despite the decline of the Bolivarian project and Maduro’s isolation, Bolivia, Cuba and some Caribbean states dependent for oil on Petrocaribe remain capable of blocking hemispheric consensus.
This probably will not be the last Summit of the Americas, but the future of these hemispheric meetings depends in great part on the capacity of the governments in the hemisphere, beginning with the United Sates, to redefine continental relations and find anew the essence of the Americas. This means more than just responding to the growing Chinese role; it means putting on the table the real problems that affect the continent and going beyond mere rhetoric about them. For now, with hemispheric relations buffeted by the unpredictable slams issuing in the form of Trump’s tweets, it will be difficult to get there.
April 17, 2018
*Carlos Malamud is Senior Analyst for Latin America at the Elcano Royal Institute, and Professor of Latin American History at the Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED), Madrid. A version of this article was originally published in El Heraldo de México.